Years ago, Wilkins was dating a man newly diagnosed with HIV and went to get tested, she said, but was not offered PrEP.

Since then, Wilkins said, doctors either have told her she doesn’t need the drug or were reluctant to prescribe it. Her insurance through work would not cover a long-acting injectable form that tends to have better results than the original pill form. Getting to appointments across Atlanta for the pills was a challenge. She is now enrolled in a drug trial for a promising PrEP injection but worries about future access and cost.

Preexposure prophylaxis, known as PrEP, reduces the risk of new HIV infections through sex by 99% and among injectable drug users by at least 74%, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Among states, Georgia has the highest rate of new HIV infections, but residents — especially women and Black patients like Wilkins — are often not getting PrEP, data shows.

A rule enacted by the Biden administration that took effect for many Affordable Care Act plans on Jan. 1 should make it easier for people like Wilkins to get long-acting PrEP injectable drugs.

A new Trump administration adds an X factor to this and other federal health programs. On Jan. 27, the White House announced a federal funding freeze, which sent shudders through health agencies and nonprofits. By Jan. 29, it had reversed the order.

Federal initiatives like the Ryan White HIV/AIDS Program and HIV prevention funding seemed to be affected — and “blocking access to PrEP would have deadly consequences,” said Wayne Turner, a senior attorney at the National Health Law Program.

Georgia has big racial and gender discrepancies in PrEP uptake, said Patrick Sullivan, who is an epidemiology professor at Emory University and leads AIDSVu and PrEPVu, which track HIV data and access to the drug — work that is backed by Gilead Sciences, a PrEP drug manufacturer.

Public health experts use what’s called a “PrEP-to-need ratio” to measure how many people at risk of HIV are getting the drug. A higher number is better. In Georgia for 2023, the statewide ratio was 6, while it was nearly 167 in Vermont, according to PrEPVu.

While the ratio for white people in Georgia was roughly 22, it was about 3 for Black people and just over 3 for Hispanic people. And while it was 7 for men, it was just over 2 for women.

“Black people generally are underserved by PrEP, and women are underserved by PrEP relative to men,” Sullivan said.

Increasing PrEP uptake would help the state cut its new HIV diagnoses, said Dylan Baker, associate medical director at Grady Health’s HIV Prevention Program.

Georgia’s rate of new HIV diagnoses was 27 per 100,000 in 2022, according to the most recent available data. That’s second only to Washington, D.C., and more than double the national rate of 13 per 100,000. That amounts to about 2,500 new cases diagnosed in Georgia in a year.

Globally about 3.5 million people used PrEP in 2023, up from 200,000 in 2017 but short of the United Nations’ 2025 target of 21.2 million people, according to a 2024 report by the United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS.

PrEP users in Atlanta report many challenges in getting the drug, including cost, medical providers who don’t prescribe it, stigma, a lack of inclusive marketing, and transportation. Wilkins said she has run up against all of those.

“Here I am telling you that I’m here to get tested because I have come into contact with someone who was living with HIV, and we had a sexual relationship, and you’re not even mentioning PrEP to me,” Wilkins said. “That was a disservice.”

Insurers Now Required To Cover PrEP

Cost has long been a barrier. The Biden administration last fall issued guidance requiring most insurers to cover the full cost of all forms of PrEP, without prior authorization, along with certain lab work and other services. This includes pills as well as Apretude, an injection given every two months.

That means insured PrEP users should not face out-of-pocket costs, said Carl Schmid, executive director of the HIV+Hepatitis Policy Institute, which lobbied for the rule.

It applies to those on the federal marketplace plans and most large private health plans. A similar rule exists for Medicare and Medicare Advantage plans.

Schmid said he does not think the Trump administration will repeal the rule, but he is concerned the U.S. Supreme Court could end coverage for preventive services, including PrEP, when it issues a decision in Braidwood Management v. Becerra, anticipated this summer.

The rule will not help the uninsured. In Georgia, which did not expand Medicaid under the ACA, about 1 million adults under age 65 are uninsured.

“The cost is also a struggle, especially given different people are part of the gig economy, a lot of folks don’t always have access to health insurance,” said Maximillian Boykin, an Atlanta PrEP user.

Expanding Medicaid would help. States that have done so, Sullivan said, “have higher levels of PrEP uptake.”

Winning the PrEP Lottery

Since getting on PrEP in 2019, Wilkins has encountered two doctors who did not want to prescribe it.

One female OB-GYN told her “‘Girl, at our age, we should know better.’” Wilkins said she “fired” that doctor, telling her that such comments are stigmatizing.

When Wilkins moved, she looked for a nearby primary care provider so she would not have to pay for transportation to get PrEP.

But the doctor she found, Wilkins said, told her to find an infectious disease specialist for PrEP.

“‘You’re not treating an infectious disease,’ I say. ‘This is preventive care,’” Wilkins recalled.

Wilkins’ fortunes turned when she was selected to join a study for a twice-yearly injectable form of PrEP.

Lenacapavir, already approved for HIV treatment, showed promising results for HIV prevention in two earlier Gilead trials. Wilkins is part of a trial in Atlanta including about 250 cisgender women nationally who have sex with men.

It’s much better than a daily pill or even a shot once every two months, Wilkins said.

She hopes to stay on the drug, but the U.S. list price for lenacapavir as an HIV treatment averages about $40,000 a year.

Gilead last year announced it signed royalty-free licensing agreements with six manufacturers to make generic lenacapavir for 120 primarily low- and lower-middle-income countries.

It’s not clear where it falls with the Biden rule. “We believe it should be covered,” Schmid said, “but want the federal government to state that clearly.”

For many patients, challenges remain. Most people are willing to travel about 30 minutes for routine health care, Sullivan said, but in cities like Atlanta, those relying on public transportation may face longer commutes to PrEP providers. Some who need PrEP have unstable housing without firm mailing addresses.

Privacy is another concern. “Everybody should be able to find a place that's comfortable,” Sullivan said. “More of that can go on in primary health care.”

Others agree that public health messaging around PrEP services should target more diverse audiences. Dázon Dixon Diallo is the founder of SisterLove, an HIV, sexual, and reproductive health organization focused on Black women in the Southeast.

“You’re not going to get to us by giving us a 3-second cameo in a commercial about PrEP,” she said. “There’s no story in there for me, right?”

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For Taylor Farms, a major global purveyor of packaged salads and cut vegetables, that’s made it a logical place to pioneer a novel type of health care for its workforce, one that could have broad utility in the smartphone era: cross-border medical consultations through an app.

The company is among the first customers of a startup called MiSalud, which connects Spanish-speaking Taylor Farms employees to physicians and mental health therapists in Mexico. Providers aren’t licensed in the U.S. and can’t prescribe medications but instead serve as health coaches who can dispense advice and work with a U.S.-based doctor if needed.

Amy Taylor, who has led the company’s wellness initiative since 2014 and is the daughter-in-law of company founder Bruce Taylor, said about 5,600 of Taylor Farms’ 6,400 employees who work where MiSalud is currently available have signed up for the app, and 2,300 have used the app at least once. The service is free for employees and up to three family members.

Amy Taylor said the company hopes the app, which is part of a broader wellness program, can help employees stay healthier while keeping health care and other labor costs in check. She plans a full evaluation once the program has been in place for two years.

The health of farmworkers is a major concern for the state’s agricultural economy. A 2022 study led by researchers from the University of California-Merced evaluated the health of more than 1,200 farmworkers and found that 37% of men and 47% of women reported having at least one chronic condition, including common conditions such as diabetes, high blood pressure, and anxiety.

Taylor said her company’s employees, ranging from fieldworkers and drivers to retail packaging and office staff, mirror the study’s findings. She said predominant health concerns among workers include obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes, and mental health.

“These are the people who are feeding America healthy food,” Taylor said of the company’s employees. “They should also be healthy.”

MiSalud — or “My Health” — was the inspiration of Bismarck Lepe, a serial entrepreneur and Stanford graduate, who hails from a migrant farmworker family. Until age 6, when his family settled in Oxnard, California, they would travel between Mexico, California, and Washington state to harvest fruit. He saw that family and friends often delayed health care until they could return to Mexico because the U.S. system was too difficult to navigate, and insurance coverage too expensive or hard to find.

“My mother still prefers to get her health care in Mexico,” Lepe said. “It’s easier for her.”

Lepe and co-founders Wendy Johansson and Cindy Blanco Ochoa launched MiSalud Health in 2021 with $5 million from a venture capital fund backed by Melinda French Gates’ Pivotal Ventures, which focuses on social-impact investing. It has since added Samsung Next and Ulu Ventures as investors.

MiSalud started out by offering consultations with Mexican physicians for individuals who downloaded the app, Johansson said. But people keen enough to find the app, download it, and sign up for the program themselves weren’t ultimately those who needed it most, and in 2023 the company pivoted to offering its service to companies as an employee benefit. (Individuals can still use it too.)

Besides Taylor Farms, the company counts the California city of Lynwood among about a dozen other clients, according to Johansson. MiSalud touted that nearly 40% of employees served by its platform say that without the app they would either have ignored their health concerns or waited until they could travel to Mexico to see a doctor.

Paul Brown, a UC-Merced professor of health economics who contributed to the university’s farmworker health study, warned that telehealth consultations aren’t adequate substitutes for in-person care by a primary care physician or a specialist. However, “to the extent that these types of programs can kind of link people into more standard care, that’s good,” he added.

Brown said MiSalud’s approach could be more effective if policies changed to allow Mexican doctors to more easily treat patients in the U.S. A California program begun in 2002 allows Mexican doctors to travel to the Salinas Valley and other heavily Latino communities and treat patients, but cross-border telemedicine, even between states, remains limited.

Even so, Taylor Farms employees say the app has been helpful. Rosa “Rosita” Flores, a line supervisor with the company’s retail operations, said she decided to give MiSalud a try after co-workers raved about it.

A recent company wellness fair, partly sponsored by MiSalud, had alerted her to the importance of monitoring her blood sugar and blood pressure levels, so she booked an appointment on the app to discuss it. “The app is very easy to use,” she said in Spanish. When she had to cancel a video chat after her daughter got sick, the health coaches followed up by text.

Proponents of cross-border medicine say the approach helps bridge linguistic and cultural barriers in health care. Almost half of all U.S. immigrants — about two-thirds of whom are native Spanish speakers — have limited proficiency in English, and research has repeatedly shown that language barriers often discourage people from seeking care.

For example, Alfredo Alvarez, a MiSalud health coach who is a licensed physician in Mexico, pointed to belief in el mal de ojo, or the “evil eye” — the idea that a jealous or envious glance by someone can cause harm, especially to children. An American doctor might be dismissive of the notion, but he understands.

“This isn’t uncommon here,” he said of Mexico. “It’s a belief in traditional medicine.”

It’s not that Alvarez encourages his socios, or members, to pass an egg over the child or make the child wear a special bracelet — traditional ways of diagnosing and treating el mal de ojo. Rather, he acknowledges their traditions and steers them to evidence-based medicine.

MiSalud’s coaches can try to break stereotypes as well. For example, Alvarez said, a Mexican reverence for machismo can translate to the idea that “men don’t do doctor visits.” Meanwhile, he said, women may overlook their health in prioritizing other family members’ needs.

Coaches also try to remove the stigma around seeking mental health treatment. “A lot of our socios have been extremely uncomfortable with or wary of mental health professionals,” said Rubén Benavides Crespo, a MiSalud mental health coach who is a licensed psychologist in Mexico.

The app tries to break through by making it easy to book counseling appointments and asking questions such as whether someone has trouble sleeping, rather than invoking more worrisome or potentially stigmatizing terms like anxiety or depression.

MiSalud representatives say the app saw a 50% increase in requests for mental health support following the November presidential election. A more common request, however, is grief counseling, often following the loss of a loved one.

“Loss requires adaptation,” Benavides said.

For Sam Chaidez, director of operations for a Taylor Farms location in Gonzales, MiSalud is a welcome addition for weight management. The son of fieldworkers, Chaidez graduated from UC-Davis and returned to the Salinas Valley to work for the company in 2007.

In 2019, Chaidez, a new parent at the time, began to understand his risk for diabetes and other health problems because of Taylor Farms’ wellness program. Through diet and exercise and, more recently, coaching by MiSalud, Chaidez has shed 150 pounds.

Chaidez encourages co-workers to walk with him at lunch, and he credits MiSalud coaches for helping him keep the weight off and stay healthy. “It’s been a great help,” he said.

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Para Taylor Farms, que es uno de los principales proveedores mundiales de ensaladas envasadas y verduras cortadas, esto lo ha convertido en un lugar ideal para implementar un innovador modelo de atención médica para sus empleados.

Este método, que podría llegar a tener gran utilidad en la era de los teléfonos inteligentes, es una aplicación que permite efectuar consultas médicas transfronterizas.

Taylor Farms es uno de los principales clientes de una startup llamada MiSalud, que pone en contacto a los empleados hispanohablantes de la empresa con médicos y terapeutas de salud mental en México.

Estos profesionales no tienen licencia en Estados Unidos y no pueden recetar medicamentos, pero actúan como consejeros de salud, colaborando, si es necesario, con un médico estadounidense.

Amy Taylor, que dirige esta iniciativa de promoción de la salud de la empresa desde 2014 y es la nuera de su fundador, Bruce Taylor, dijo que unos 5.600 de los 6.400 empleados de Taylor Farms se han registrado en MiSalud y 2.300 han utilizado la aplicación por lo menos una vez.

El servicio es gratuito para los empleados y hasta tres miembros de su familia.

Amy Taylor explicó que la empresa espera que la aplicación, que forma parte de un programa de bienestar más amplio, pueda ayudar a los empleados a mantenerse saludables y, al mismo tiempo, controlar tanto los gastos de la atención médica como otros costos laborales.

Está previsto realizar una evaluación completa de este programa una vez que haya estado en funcionamiento dos años.

La salud de estos trabajadores es una de las principales preocupaciones de la economía agrícola del estado.

Un estudio de 2022, dirigido por investigadores de la Universidad de California-Merced, evaluó la salud de más de 1.200 trabajadores agrícolas y descubrió que el 37% de los hombres y el 47% de las mujeres informaron que padecían al menos una enfermedad crónica, incluidas afecciones comunes como diabetes, hipertensión y ansiedad.

Taylor explicó que los empleados de la empresa, que abarcan desde trabajadores del campo y choferes hasta personal de empaque y empleados de oficina, tienen los mismos problemas que los participantes del estudio. Destacó que las principales preocupaciones de salud entre los trabajadores incluyen la obesidad, la hipertensión, la diabetes y la salud mental.

“Estas son las personas que alimentan a Estados Unidos con comida saludable”, dijo Taylor refiriéndose a los trabajadores de la compañía: “También deberían estar sanos”.

MiSalud fue resultado de la inspiración de Bismarck Lepe, un emprendedor de múltiples proyectos, graduado de la Universidad de Stanford, que proviene de una familia de trabajadores agrícolas migrantes.

Hasta los 6 años, cuando finalmente se estableció en Oxnard, California, toda la familia Lepe viajaba entre México, California y el estado de Washington para cosechar fruta.

Lepe observó que tanto su familia como los amigos a menudo retrasaban la atención médica hasta que podían regresar a México. El sistema de salud estadounidense les resultaba demasiado complicado y el seguro demasiado costoso o de difícil acceso.

“Mi madre sigue prefiriendo recibir atención médica en México”, dijo Lepe. “Para ella es más sencillo”.

Lepe y las cofundadoras Wendy Johansson y Cindy Blanco Ochoa lanzaron MiSalud Health en 2021 con $5 millones de un fondo de capital de riesgo respaldado por Pivotal Ventures, la firma de Melinda French Gates que se enfoca en inversiones de impacto social. Desde entonces, han sumado dos nuevos inversores, Samsung Next y Ulu Ventures.

MiSalud comenzó ofreciendo consultas con médicos mexicanos para las personas que descargaban la aplicación, contó Johansson.

Pero los que podían bajar la aplicación y registrarse por sí mismos no eran, en última instancia, los que más la necesitaban. Por eso, en 2023, la compañía dio un giro para ofrecer su servicio a las empresas como beneficio para los empleados. (Aunque los individuos también pueden seguir utilizándolo).

Además de Taylor Farms, MiSalud tiene entre sus clientes a la ciudad de Lynwood, en California, y a otra docena de empresas. La compañía asegura que casi el 40% de los empleados atendidos por su plataforma admiten que, sin la aplicación, hubieran ignorado sus problemas de salud o hubieran esperado hasta viajar a México para buscar atención médica.

Paul Brown, profesor de economía de la salud de la UC-Merced, colaboró en la investigación sobre el estado físico y  mental de los trabajadores agrícolas que efectuó la universidad. Advirtió que las consultas de telemedicina no sustituyen adecuadamente la atención presencial de un médico de atención primaria o un especialista.

Sin embargo, agregó: “En la medida en que este tipo de programas puedan conectar a las personas con una atención más estándar, son beneficiosos”.

Brown comentó que el enfoque de MiSalud podría ser más eficaz si se modificaran las políticas para permitir que los médicos mexicanos puedan atender a pacientes en Estados Unidos con más facilidad.

Un programa de California iniciado en 2002 permite que los médicos mexicanos viajen al Valle de Salinas y a otras comunidades con gran presencia de población latina para atender pacientes, pero la telemedicina transfronteriza, incluso entre estados, sigue siendo limitada.

Aun así, los empleados de Taylor Farms afirman que la aplicación ha sido útil. Rosa “Rosita” Flores, supervisora de línea de las operaciones minoristas de la empresa, dijo que decidió probar MiSalud después que sus compañeros de trabajo le hablaran bien de la aplicación.

En una reciente feria de bienestar de la empresa, patrocinada en parte por MiSalud, le hicieron notar la importancia de monitorear sus niveles de azúcar en sangre y la presión arterial, por lo que reservó una cita en la aplicación para hablar del tema.

“La aplicación es muy fácil de usar”, dijo. Cuando tuvo que cancelar una videollamada porque su hija se enfermó, los asesores de salud hicieron el seguimiento por mensaje de texto.

Los defensores de la medicina transfronteriza afirman que este enfoque ayuda a salvar las barreras lingüísticas y culturales en la atención médica.

En el país, casi la mitad de los inmigrantes —de los cuales aproximadamente dos tercios son hispanohablantes nativos— tienen un dominio limitado del inglés, y las investigaciones han demostrado muchas veces que las barreras lingüísticas a menudo disuaden a las personas de buscar atención médica.

Por ejemplo, Alfredo Álvarez, asesor de salud de MiSalud que es médico certificado en México, mencionó la creencia en el “mal de ojo”, la idea de que una mirada envidiosa o celosa de una persona puede causar daño, especialmente a los niños.

Un médico estadounidense podría descartar esa idea, pero Álvarez la comprende.

“Esto no es raro aquí”, dijo refiriéndose a  México. “Es una creencia de la medicina tradicional”.

No es que Álvarez anime a sus los usuarios de la aplicación a pasar un huevo por encima del niño o a hacer que el niño lleve una pulsera especial, formas tradicionales de “diagnosticar” y tratar el mal de ojo. Más bien, reconoce sus tradiciones y los orienta hacia la medicina basada en la evidencia.

Los asesores de MiSalud también pueden intentar romper con estereotipos.

Por ejemplo, Álvarez dijo que la arraigada cultura machista de México puede traducirse en la idea de que “los hombres no van al médico”. Mientras tanto, agregó, las mujeres pueden descuidar su salud porque priorizan las necesidades de otros miembros de la familia.

Los asesores también intentan eliminar al estigma que rodea a la búsqueda de tratamiento de salud mental. “Muchos de nuestros ‘socios’ se han sentido extremadamente incómodos o recelosos ante los profesionales de salud mental”, dijo Rubén Benavides Crespo, asesor de MiSalud en este campo y psicólogo titulado en México.

La aplicación intenta romper el hielo facilitando la reserva de las consultas de asesoramiento y haciendo preguntas del estilo de si alguien tiene problemas para dormir, en lugar de invocar términos más preocupantes o potencialmente estigmatizantes como ansiedad o depresión.

Los representantes de MiSalud informaron que la aplicación experimentó un aumento del 50% en las solicitudes de apoyo para la salud mental tras las elecciones presidenciales de noviembre. Sin embargo, una solicitud más común es el asesoramiento para el duelo, a menudo tras la pérdida de un ser querido.

“La pérdida requiere adaptación”, señaló Benavides.

Para Sam Chaidez, director de operaciones de una planta de Taylor Farms en Gonzales, California, MiSalud es un apoyo adicional para el control de peso.

Hijo de trabajadores del campo, Chaidez se graduó en la Universidad de California en Davis y regresó al Valle de Salinas para trabajar en la empresa en 2007.

En 2019, Chaidez, que acababa de ser padre, empezó a comprender el riesgo de padecer diabetes y otros problemas de salud gracias al programa de bienestar de Taylor Farms. A partir de la dieta y el ejercicio y, más recientemente, al asesoramiento de MiSalud, Chaidez ha perdido 150 libras (68 kilos).

Ahora anima a sus compañeros de trabajo a caminar con él a la hora de comer, y atribuye a los asesores de MiSalud el mérito de haberlo ayudado a no recuperar el peso perdido y a mantenerse sano. “Ha sido una gran ayuda”, señaló.

Este artículo fue producido por KFF Health News, que publica California Healthline, un servicio editorialmente independiente de la California Health Care Foundation.

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But because he was uninsured at the time, the surgery at a Reno, Nevada, hospital led to years of anguish. He said he owes the hospital more than $20,000 for the procedure and still gets calls from collection agencies.

“It can cause a lot of anxiety,” Rice said. “I can’t give you what I don’t have.”

Rice, 62, was born and has spent his life in Nevada. He said he fell through a gap in the tribal health care system because he lives 1,500 miles from the Prairie Band Potawatomi Nation home area in eastern Kansas, where he’s an enrolled member.

He receives primary care at the Reno-Sparks Indian Colony tribal health clinic in Nevada, but structural barriers in the federal Indian Health Service left him without coverage for specialty care outside of the clinic. Rice might have been eligible for specialty services referred by his tribe’s health system in Kansas, but he lives too far from the tribe’s delivery area to utilize the tribal health program that helps pay for services outside of the IHS.

“I shouldn’t need to move to Kansas City to be fully covered,” Rice said.

A new tribal sponsorship program rolled out last year in Nevada is aimed at getting tribal citizens like Rice covered and protecting them from incurring debt for uninsured care. It allows tribes to buy health insurance through the state’s Affordable Care Act marketplace for people living in their service area, including Native Americans from other tribes.

Tribal leaders and Nevada officials say the sponsorship model increases access to coverage and care for tribal citizens and their families by allowing them to seek medical care outside the tribal health care system.

A few dozen tribes have moved to set up the insurance programs since the ACA authorized them more than a decade ago.

“It’s not widespread,” said Yvonne Myers, an ACA and Medicaid consultant for Citizen Potawatomi Nation Health Services in Oklahoma.

Native American adults are enrolled in Medicaid at higher rates than their white counterparts and have long faced worse health outcomes, higher incidences of chronic disease, and shorter life expectancy. Many rely on the IHS, a division within the Department of Health and Human Services responsible for providing care to Native Americans, but the agency is chronically underfunded.

In Nevada, tribes can sponsor their community members’ health coverage through aggregated billing, a method for paying the premiums for multiple individuals in a single monthly payment to the insurer. Another part of the program includes collaboration between Nevada Health Link, the state health insurance marketplace, and tribes to certify staffers at tribal health clinics so they can enroll community members in health plans. Program officials also said they are committed to providing further education to tribes about the accommodations available to them under the ACA.

Health agencies in Washington state and Nevada have helped set up tribal sponsorship programs. Independently, tribes in Alaska, Wisconsin, Idaho, Michigan, Montana, and South Dakota have rolled out individual programs, as well.

It’s already making a difference for Native American patients in Nevada, said Angie Wilson, tribal health director for the Reno-Sparks Indian Colony and an enrolled member of the Pit River Tribe in California. Wilson said patients have shown up at her office in tears because they couldn’t afford services they needed outside of the tribal clinic and were not eligible for those services to be covered by the IHS Purchased/Referred Care program.

The Reno-Sparks Indian Colony, with more than 1,330 members in 2023, is one of two tribes that participate in Nevada’s tribal sponsorship program and aggregated billing. Russell Cook, executive director of Nevada Health Link, said he expects more tribes to come aboard as the agency works to build community trust in tribes often wary of government and corporate entities.

The Fort McDermitt Paiute and Shoshone Tribe, with a reservation that spans Nevada’s northwestern border, was the first tribe to pilot the program. There are about 125 households on the reservation.

As of December, 30 tribal members had been enrolled into qualified health plans through Nevada Health Link as part of the tribal sponsorship program, according to state officials, and more than 700 of those enrolled through the state marketplace self-reported American Indian and/or Alaska Native status for last year.

Through sponsorship, tribes may use their federal health care funding to pay the premium costs for each participating person. That, combined with cost-sharing protections in the ACA for American Indian and Alaska Natives enrolled in marketplace health plans, means beneficiaries face very low to no costs to receive care outside of tribal clinics. The American Rescue Plan also expanded eligibility for premium tax credits, making purchasing a health plan more affordable.

Because sponsorship in some tribes isn’t limited to enrolled tribal citizens, it can help the whole community, said Jim Roberts, senior executive liaison for intergovernmental affairs with the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium and an enrolled member of the Hopi Tribe in Arizona.

Since Alaska first allowed sponsorship in 2013, Roberts said, it has not only increased the access to care for Native Americans but also significantly lowered the costs of care, “which is equally as important, if not for some tribes more important.”

In Washington state, where sponsorship in ACA plans began in 2014, 12 of 29 tribes participate.

Cook said the state exchange is seeing interest in the part of the sponsorship program that trains staff at tribal clinics to become certified exchange representatives, a role similar to that of a navigator who helps inform people about health coverage options.

He said the agency is working on a marketing campaign to spread awareness among Native Americans in the state about the sponsorship program. It will include translating resource guides and other materials from the agency into Native languages spoken in the state, such as Northern and Southern Paiute, Washoe, and Western Shoshone.

Cook said he’s surprised more states haven’t taken the initiative to create sponsorship programs in collaboration with tribes.

Nevada Health Link patterned its approach by looking at Washington state’s program, Cook said. Since launching its own program, the Nevada agency has been approached by officials in California who are exploring the option.

But leaders like Wilson are concerned that under the Trump administration the enhanced tax credits for ACA marketplace enrollees implemented during the pandemic will end. The credits are set to expire at the end of this year if Congress doesn’t act to extend them. Without the credits, nearly all people enrolled through the marketplace will see steep increases in their premium payments next year.

If tribal citizens or other community members become ineligible for the premium tax credits, that could jeopardize the tribe’s financial ability to continue sponsoring health plans, Roberts said.

“Whatever side of the fence people fall on, it does not take away that there’s a federal trust responsibility by the United States of America to its First Nations people,” Wilson said.

Wilson, who has been an advocate for sponsorship since the ACA was approved in 2010 and led the effort to establish the program in Nevada, said she is happy with the tribal sponsorship program but wishes it would have happened sooner.

“We’ve lost so much in Indian Country over time,” she said. “How many more Indian people could have gotten access to care? How much more of a difference could that have made in sustaining health care for tribes?”

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Americans’ health has long been unequal, but a new study shows that the disparity between the life expectancies of different populations has nearly doubled since 2000. “This is like comparing very different countries,” said Tom Bollyky, director of the global health program at the Council on Foreign Relations and an author of the study.

Called “Ten Americas,” the analysis published late last year in The Lancet found that “one’s life expectancy varies dramatically depending on where one lives, the economic conditions in that location, and one’s racial and ethnic identity.” The worsening health of specific populations is a key reason the country’s overall life expectancy — at 75 years for men and 80 for women — is the shortest among wealthy nations.

To deliver on pledges from the new Trump administration to make America healthy again, policymakers will need to fix problems undermining life expectancy across all populations.

“As long as we have these really severe disparities, we’re going to have this very low life expectancy,” said Kathleen Harris, a sociologist at the University of North Carolina. “It should not be that way for a country as rich as the U.S.”

Since 2000, the average life expectancy of many American Indians and Alaska Natives has been steadily shrinking. The same has been true since 2014 for Black people in low-income counties in the southeastern U.S.

“Some groups in the United States are facing a health crisis,” Bollyky said, “and we need to respond to that because it’s worsening.”

Heart disease, car fatalities, diabetes, covid-19, and other common causes of death are directly to blame. But research shows that the conditions of people’s lives, their behaviors, and their environments heavily influence why some populations are at higher risk than others.

Native Americans in the West — defined in the “Ten Americas” study as more than a dozen states excluding California, Washington, and Oregon — were among the poorest in the analysis, living in counties where a person’s annual income averages below about $20,000. Economists have shown that people with low incomes generally live shorter lives.

Studies have also linked the stress of poverty, trauma, and discrimination to detrimental coping behaviors like smoking and substance use disorders. And reservations often lack grocery stores and clean, piped water, which makes it hard to buy and cook healthy food.

About 1 in 5 Native Americans in the Southwest don’t have health insurance, according to a KFF report. Although the Indian Health Service provides coverage, the report says the program is weak due to chronic underfunding. This means people may delay or skip treatments for chronic illnesses. Postponed medical care contributed to the outsize toll of covid among Native Americans: About 1 of every 188 Navajo people died of the disease at the peak of the pandemic.

“The combination of limited access to health care and higher health risks has been devastating,” Bollyky said.

At the other end of the spectrum, the study’s category of Asian Americans maintained the longest life expectancies since 2000. As of 2021, it was 84 years.

Education may partly underlie the reasons certain groups live longer. “People with more education are more likely to seek out and adhere to health advice,” said Ali Mokdad, an epidemiologist at the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation at the University of Washington, and an author of the paper. Education also offers more opportunities for full-time jobs with health benefits. “Money allows you to take steps to take care of yourself,” Mokdad said.

The group with the highest incomes in most years of the analysis was predominantly composed of white people, followed by the mainly Asian group. The latter, however, maintained the highest rates of college graduation, by far. About half finished college, compared with fewer than a third of other populations.

The study suggests that education partly accounts for differences among white people living in low-income counties, where the individual income averaged less than $32,363. Since 2000, white people in low-income counties in southeastern states — defined as those in Appalachia and the Lower Mississippi Valley — had far lower life expectancies than those in upper midwestern states including Montana, Nebraska, and Iowa. (The authors provide details on how the groups were defined and delineated in their report.)

Opioid use and HIV rates didn’t account for the disparity between these white, low-income groups, Bollyky said. But since 2010, more than 90% of white people in the northern group were high school graduates, compared with around 80% in the southeastern U.S.

The education effect didn’t hold true for Latino groups compared with others. Latinos saw lower rates of high school graduation than white people but lived longer on average. This long-standing trend recently changed among Latinos in the Southwest because of covid. Hispanic or Latino and Black people were nearly twice as likely to die from the disease.

On average, Black people in the U.S. have long experienced worse health than other races and ethnicities in the United States, except for Native Americans. But this analysis reveals a steady improvement in Black people’s life expectancy from 2000 to about 2012. During this period, the gap between Black and white life expectancies shrank.

This is true for all three groups of Black people in the analysis: Those in low-income counties in southeastern states like Mississippi, Louisiana, and Alabama; those in highly segregated and metropolitan counties, such as Queens, New York, and Wayne, Michigan, where many neighborhoods are almost entirely Black or entirely white; and Black people everywhere else.

Better drugs to treat high blood pressure and HIV help account for the improvements for many Americans between 2000 to 2010. And Black people, in particular, saw steep rises in high school graduation and gains in college education in that period.

However, progress stagnated for Black populations by 2016. Disparities in wealth grew. By 2021, Asian and many white Americans had the highest incomes in the study, living in counties with per capita incomes around $50,000. All three groups of Black people in the analysis remained below $30,000.

A wealth gap between Black and white people has historical roots, stretching back to the days of slavery, Jim Crow laws, and policies that prevented Black people from owning property in neighborhoods that are better served by public schools and other services. For Native Americans, a historical wealth gap can be traced to a near annihilation of the population and mass displacement in the 19th and 20th centuries.

Inequality has continued to rise for several reasons, such as a widening pay gap between predominantly white corporate leaders and low-wage workers, who are disproportionately people of color. And reporting from KFF Health News shows that decisions not to expand Medicaid have jeopardized the health of hundreds of thousands of people living in poverty.

Researchers have studied the potential health benefits of reparation payments to address historical injustices that led to racial wealth gaps. One new study estimates that such payments could reduce premature death among Black Americans by 29%.

Less controversial are interventions tailored to communities. Obesity often begins in childhood, for example, so policymakers could invest in after-school programs that give children a place to socialize, be active, and eat healthy food, Harris said. Such programs would need to be free for children whose parents can’t afford them and provide transportation.

But without policy changes that boost low wages, decrease medical costs, put safe housing and strong public education within reach, and ensure access to reproductive health care including abortion, Harris said, the country’s overall life expectancy may grow worse.

“If the federal government is really interested in America’s health,” she said, “they could grade states on their health metrics and give them incentives to improve.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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La salud de los estadounidenses ha sido desigual durante mucho tiempo, pero un nuevo estudio muestra que la disparidad entre las expectativas de vida de diferentes grupos poblacionales casi se ha duplicado desde el año 2000. “Esto es como comparar países muy distintos”, dijo Tom Bollyky, director del programa de Salud Global en el Council of Foreign Relations, y autor del estudio.

El análisis, llamado “Ten Americas” (10 Américas), publicado a fines del año pasado en The Lancet, halló que “la expectativa de vida de una persona varía drásticamente dependiendo de en dónde vive, las condiciones económicas en ese lugar y la identidad racial y étnica de la persona”.

Que la salud de algunas poblaciones específicas haya empeorado es una razón clave por la que la expectativa de vida general del país (75 años para los hombres y 80 para las mujeres) sea la más corta entre las naciones ricas.

Para cumplir con las promesas de la nueva administración Trump de que Estados Unidos vuelva a ser saludable, los responsables de las políticas tendrán que solucionar los problemas que socavan la expectativa de vida en todas las poblaciones.

“Mientras tengamos estas disparidades realmente graves, tendremos una expectativa de vida muy baja”, dijo Kathleen Harris, socióloga de la Universidad de Carolina del Norte. “No debería ser así para un país tan rico como Estados Unidos”.

Desde el año 2000, la expectativa de vida promedio de muchos indígenas americanos y nativos de Alaska ha estado disminuyendo de manera constante. Lo mismo ha sucedido desde 2014 con las personas negras en los condados de bajos ingresos del sureste del país.

“Algunos grupos en Estados Unidos enfrentan una crisis de salud”, dijo Bollyky, “y debemos responder porque está empeorando”.

Las enfermedades cardíacas, los accidentes de tránsito, la diabetes, covid-19 y otras causas comunes de muerte son responsables directos. Pero las investigaciones muestran que las condiciones de vida de las personas, sus comportamientos y sus entornos influyen en gran medida para que algunas poblaciones corran un mayor riesgo que otras.

Los nativos americanos del oeste (región que en el estudio “Ten Americas” abarca más de una docena de estados, excluyendo California, Washington y Oregon) estuvieron entre los más pobres del análisis, viviendo en condados donde el ingreso anual promedio de un individuo es inferior a los $20.000. Los economistas han demostrado que las personas con bajos ingresos suelen vivir menos.

Estudios también han vinculado el estrés de la pobreza, el trauma y la discriminación con conductas de riesgo para confrontarlos como el tabaquismo y las adicciones. Y las reservas a menudo no tienen mercados y agua potable, lo que dificulta comprar y cocinar alimentos saludables.

Aproximadamente uno de cada 5 nativos americanos del suroeste no tiene seguro médico, según un informe de KFF. Aunque el Servicio de Salud Indígena ofrece cobertura, el informe indica que el programa es frágil debido a la falta crónica de fondos. Esto significa que las personas pueden retrasar o saltearse tratamientos para afecciones crónicas. El posponer la atención médica contribuyó al enorme número de víctimas de covid entre los nativos americanos: aproximadamente uno de cada 188 navajos murió de la enfermedad en el pico de la pandemia.

“La combinación de un acceso limitado a la atención médica y mayores riesgos para la salud ha sido devastadora”, dijo Bollyky.

En el otro extremo del espectro, la categoría de estadounidenses de origen asiático en el estudio mantuvo la expectativa de vida más larga desde el año 2000. En 2021, era de 84 años.

La educación puede ser en parte la base de las razones por las que ciertos grupos viven más.

“Las personas con más educación tienen más probabilidades de pedir, y seguir, consejos de salud”, dijo Ali Mokdad, epidemiólogo del Instituto de Métricas y Evaluación de la Salud de la Universidad Washington y autor del artículo. La educación también ofrece más oportunidades de empleo a tiempo completo con beneficios de salud. “El dinero te permite tomar medidas para cuidarte”, dijo Mokdad.

El grupo con los ingresos más altos en la mayoría de los años del análisis estuvo compuesto de manera predominante por personas blancas, seguido por el grupo principalmente asiático. Este último, sin embargo, mantuvo, por lejos, las tasas más altas de graduación universitaria. Aproximadamente la mitad terminó la universidad, en comparación con menos de un tercio en otras poblaciones.

El estudio sugiere que la educación explica en parte las diferencias entre las personas blancas que viven en condados de bajos ingresos, donde el ingreso individual promedio fue inferior a $32.363. Desde el año 2000, las personas blancas de los condados de bajos ingresos de los estados del sureste (definidos como los de Appalachia y el valle inferior del Mississippi) tuvieron una esperanza de vida mucho más baja que la de los estados del medio oeste superior, como Montana, Nebraska y Iowa. (Los autores proporcionan detalles sobre cómo se definieron y delimitaron los grupos en su informe).

El consumo de opioides y las tasas de VIH no explicaron la disparidad entre estos grupos blancos de bajos ingresos, dijo Bollyky. Pero desde 2010, más del 90% de las personas blancas del grupo del norte se graduaron de la escuela secundaria, en comparación con alrededor del 80% en el sureste de Estados Unidos.

Comparado con otros, el efecto de la educación no se mantuvo en los grupos latinos. Los latinos tuvieron tasas más bajas de graduación de la escuela secundaria que los blancos, pero vivieron más tiempo en promedio. Esta tendencia de larga data cambió recientemente entre los latinos del suroeste debido a covid. Las personas hispanas o latinas y negras tenían casi el doble de probabilidades de morir a causa de la enfermedad.

En promedio, los negros han experimentado durante mucho tiempo peor salud que otras razas y etnias en Estados Unidos, excepto los nativos americanos. Pero este análisis revela una mejora constante en la esperanza de vida de los negros desde el año 2000 hasta aproximadamente 2012. Durante este período, la brecha entre la esperanza de vida de los negros y los blancos se redujo.

Esto es así para los tres grupos de negros en el análisis: aquellos que viven en condados de bajos ingresos en estados del sudeste como Mississippi, Louisiana y Alabama; aquellos en condados altamente segregados y metropolitanos, como Queens, Nueva York y Wayne, Michigan, donde muchos vecindarios son casi completamente negros o completamente blancos; y los negros en todas partes.

Mejores medicamentos para tratar la hipertensión y el VIH ayudan a explicar estas mejoras que han experimentado muchos estadounidenses entre 2000 y 2010. Y las personas negras, en particular, han visto un marcado aumento de la graduación de secundaria, y avances en la educación universitaria en ese período.

Sin embargo, para las poblaciones negras el progreso se estancó en 2016. Las disparidades en materia de riqueza aumentaron. En 2021, los estadounidenses asiáticos y muchos blancos tenían los ingresos más altos del estudio, y vivían en condados con ingresos per cápita de alrededor de $50.000. Los tres grupos de negros del análisis se mantuvieron por debajo de los $30.000.

La brecha de riqueza entre los negros y los blancos tiene raíces históricas que se remontan a la época de la esclavitud, las leyes de Jim Crow y las políticas que impedían a los negros ser dueños de propiedades en vecindarios con mejores servicios de escuelas públicas, entre otros. En el caso de los nativos americanos, la brecha histórica de riqueza se puede rastrear hasta la casi aniquilación de la población y el desplazamiento masivo en los siglos XIX y XX.

La desigualdad ha seguido aumentando por varias razones, como la creciente brecha salarial entre los líderes corporativos predominantemente blancos y los trabajadores con salarios bajos, que son, de manera desproporcionada, personas de color. Artículos de KFF Health News muestran que la decisión de algunos estados de no expandir Medicaid ha puesto en peligro la salud de cientos de miles de personas que viven en la pobreza.

Investigadores han estudiado los posibles beneficios para la salud de los pagos de reparación para abordar las injusticias históricas que llevaron a las brechas raciales de riqueza. Un nuevo estudio estima que estos pagos podrían reducir la muerte prematura entre los estadounidenses negros en un 29%.

Menos controversiales son las intervenciones adaptadas a las comunidades. Por ejemplo, la obesidad a menudo comienza en la infancia, por lo que los responsables de las políticas podrían invertir en programas después de la escuela que brinden a los niños un lugar para socializar, estar activos y comer alimentos saludables, dijo Harris. Estos programas tendrían que ser gratuitos para los niños cuyos padres no pueden pagarlos, y ofrecer transporte.

Pero si no se introducen cambios en las políticas que aumenten los salarios bajos, reduzcan los costos médicos, pongan a disposición viviendas seguras y una educación pública sólida, y garanticen el acceso a la atención de salud reproductiva, incluido el aborto, Harris dijo que la expectativa de vida general del país puede empeorar.

“Si el gobierno federal está realmente interesado en la salud de Estados Unidos”, agregó, “podría calificar a los estados en función de sus indicadores de salud y darles incentivos para que mejoren”.

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For years, the federal government has steered clear of regulating junk food, fast food, and ultra-processed food.

Now attitudes are changing. Some members of President-elect Donald Trump’s inner circle are gearing up to battle “Big Food,” or the companies that make most of the food and beverages consumed in the United States. Nominees for top health agencies are taking aim at ultra-processed foods that account for an estimated 70% of the nation’s food supply. Based on recent statements, a variety of potential politically charged policy options to regulate ultra-processed food may land on the Trump team menu, including warning labels, changes to agribusiness subsidies, and limits on which products consumers can buy with government food aid.

The push to reform the American diet is being driven largely by conservatives who have taken up the cause that has long been a darling of the left. Trump supporters such as Robert F. Kennedy Jr., whose controversial nomination to lead the Department of Health and Human Services still faces Senate confirmation, are embracing a concept that champions natural foods and alternative medicine. It’s a movement they’ve dubbed “MAHA,” or Make America Healthy Again. Their interest has created momentum because their goals have fairly broad bipartisan support even amid a bitterly divided Congress in which lawmakers from both sides of the aisle focused on the issue last year.

It’s likely to be a pitched battle because the food industry wields immense political influence and has successfully thwarted previous efforts to regulate its products or marketing. The category of “food processing and sales companies,” which includes Tyson Foods and Nestle SA, tallied $26.7 million in spending on lobbying in 2024, according to OpenSecrets. That’s up from almost $10 million in 1998.

“They have been absolutely instrumental and highly, highly successful at delaying any regulatory effectiveness in America,” said Laura Schmidt, a health policy professor at the University of California-San Francisco. “It really does feel like there needs to be a moment of reckoning here where people start asking the question, ‘Why do we have to live like this?’”

“Ultra-processed food” is a widely used term that means different things to different people and is used to describe items ranging from sodas to many frozen meals. These products often contain added fats, starches, and sugars, among other things. Researchers say consumption of ultra-processed foods is linked — in varying levels of intensity — to chronic conditions like diabetes, cancer, mental health problems, and early death.

Nutrition and health leaders are optimistic that a reckoning is already underway. Kennedy has pledged to remove processed foods from school lunches, restrict certain food additives such as dyes in cereal, and shift federal agricultural subsidies away from commodity crops widely used in ultra-processed foods.

The intensifying focus in Washington has triggered a new level of interest on the legal front as lawyers explore cases to take on major foodmakers for selling products they say result in chronic disease.

Bryce Martinez, now 18, filed a lawsuit in December against almost a dozen foodmakers such as Kraft Heinz, The Coca-Cola Co., and Nestle USA. He developed diabetes and non-alcoholic fatty liver disease by age 16, and is seeking to hold them accountable for his illnesses. According to the suit, filed in the Philadelphia Court of Common Pleas, the companies knew or should have known ultra-processed foods were harmful and addictive.

The lawsuit noted that Martinez grew up eating heavily advertised, brand-name foods that are staples of the American diet — sugary soft drinks, Cheerios and Lucky Charms, Skittles and Snickers, frozen and packaged dinners, just to name a few.

Nestle, Coca-Cola, and Kraft Heinz didn’t return emails seeking comment for this article. The Consumer Brands Association, a trade association for makers of consumer packaged goods, disputed the allegations.

“Attempting to classify foods as unhealthy simply because they are processed, or demonizing food by ignoring its full nutrient content, misleads consumers and exacerbates health disparities,” said Sarah Gallo, senior vice president of product policy, in a statement.

Other law firms are on the hunt for children or adults who believe they were harmed by consuming ultra-processed foods, increasing the likelihood of lawsuits.

One Indiana personal injury firm says on its website that “we are actively investigating ultra processed food (UPF) cases.” Trial attorneys in Texas also are looking into possible legal action against the federal regulators they say have failed to police ultra-processed foods.

“If you or your child have suffered health problems that your doctor has linked directly to the consumption of ultra-processed foods, we want to hear your story,” they say on their website.

Meanwhile, the FDA on Jan. 14 announced it is proposing to require a front-of-package label to appear on most packaged foods to make information about a food’s saturated fat, sodium, and added sugar content easily visible to consumers.

And on Capitol Hill, Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), and Cory Booker (D-N.J.) are sounding the alarm over ultra-processed food. Sanders introduced legislation in 2024 that could lead to a federal ban on junk food advertising to children, a national education campaign, and labels on ultra-processed foods that say the products aren’t recommended for children. Booker cosigned the legislation along with Sens. Peter Welch (D-Vt.) and John Hickenlooper (D-Colo.).

The Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions held a December hearing examining links between ultra-processed food and chronic disease during which FDA Commissioner Robert Califf called for more funding for research.

Food companies have tapped into “the same neural circuits that are involved in opioid addiction,” Califf said at the hearing.

Sanders, who presided over the hearing, said there’s “growing evidence” that “these foods are deliberately designed to be addictive,” and he asserted that ultra-processed foods have driven epidemics of diabetes and obesity, and hundreds of billions of dollars in medical expenses.

Research on food and addiction “has accumulated to the point where it’s reached a critical mass,” said Kelly Brownell, an emeritus professor at Stanford who is one of the editors of a scholarly handbook on the subject.

Attacks from three sides — lawyers, Congress, and the incoming Trump administration, all seemingly interested in taking up the fight — could lead to enough pressure to challenge Big Food and possibly spur better health outcomes in the U.S., which has the lowest life expectancy among high-income countries.

“Maybe getting rid of highly processed foods in some things could actually flip the switch pretty quickly in changing the percentage of the American public that are obese,” said Robert Redfield, a virologist who led the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention during the previous Trump administration, in remarks at a December event hosted by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank.

Claims that Big Food knowingly manufactured and sold addictive and harmful products resemble the claims leveled against Big Tobacco before the landmark $206 billion settlement was reached in 1998.

“These companies allegedly use the tobacco industry’s playbook to target children, especially Black and Hispanic children, with integrated marketing tie-ins with cartoons, toys, and games, along with social media advertising,” Rene Rocha, one of the lawyers at Morgan & Morgan representing Martinez, told KFF Health News.

The 148-page Martinez lawsuit against foodmakers draws from documents made public in litigation against tobacco companies that owned some of the biggest brands in the food industry.

Similar allegations were made against opioid manufacturers, distributors, and retailers before they agreed to pay tens of billions of dollars in a 2021 settlement with states.

The FDA ultimately put restrictions on the labeling and marketing of tobacco, and the opioid epidemic led to legislation that increased access to lifesaving medications to treat addiction.

But the Trump administration’s zeal in taking on Big Food may face unique challenges.

The ability of the FDA to impose regulation is hampered in part by funding. While the agency’s drug division collects industry user fees, its division of food relies on a more limited budget determined by Congress.

Change can take time because the agency moves at what some critics call a glacial pace. Last year, the FDA revoked a regulation allowing brominated vegetable oil in food products. The agency determined in 1970 that the additive was not generally recognized as safe.

Efforts to curtail the marketing of ultra-processed food could spur lawsuits alleging that any restrictions violate commercial speech protected by the First Amendment. And Kennedy — if he is confirmed as HHS secretary — may struggle to get support from a Republican-led Congress that champions less federal regulation and a president-elect who during his previous term served fast food in the White House.

“The question is, will RFK be able to make a difference?” said David L. Katz, a doctor who founded True Health Initiative, a nonprofit group that combats public health misinformation. “No prior administration has done much in this space, and RFK is linked to a particularly anti-regulatory administration.”

Meanwhile, the U.S. population is recognized as among the most obese in the world and has the highest rate of people with multiple chronic conditions among high-income countries.

“There is a big grassroots effort out there because of how sick we are,” said Jerold Mande, who served as deputy undersecretary for food safety at the Department of Agriculture from 2009 to 2011. “A big part of it is people shouldn’t be this sick this young in their lives. You’re lucky if you get to 18 without a chronic disease. It’s remarkable.”

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Durante años, el gobierno federal ha evitado regular la comida chatarra, la comida rápida y los alimentos ultraprocesados.

Ahora, las actitudes están cambiando. Algunos miembros del círculo íntimo del presidente Donald Trump se están preparando para luchar contra las “grandes empresas alimentarias”, es decir, las compañías que producen la mayor parte de los alimentos y bebidas que se consumen en el paía.

Los candidatos a las principales agencias de salud están apuntando a los alimentos ultraprocesados, que representan aproximadamente el 70% del suministro de alimentos de Estados Unidos.

Según declaraciones recientes, una variedad de posibles opciones de normas con carga política para regular los alimentos ultraprocesados ​​pueden llegar al menú del equipo de Trump, incluidas las etiquetas de advertencia, los cambios en los subsidios a la agroindustria y los límites a los productos que los consumidores pueden comprar con la ayuda alimentaria del gobierno.

El impulso para reformar la dieta estadounidense está siendo impulsado en gran medida por los conservadores que han asumido la causa que durante mucho tiempo ha sido la favorita de la izquierda.

Los partidarios de Trump, como Robert F. Kennedy Jr., cuya controversial nominación para dirigir el Departamento de Salud y Servicios Humanos aún enfrenta la confirmación del Senado, están adoptando un concepto que defiende los alimentos naturales y la medicina alternativa.

Es un movimiento que han denominado “MAHA”, o Make America Healthy Again (Hagamos a América saludable de nuevo). Su interés ha cobrado impulso porque sus objetivos tienen un apoyo bipartidista bastante amplio, incluso en medio de un Congreso amargamente dividido en el que los legisladores de ambos partidos se centraron en el tema el año pasado.

Es probable que sea una batalla campal porque la industria alimentaria ejerce una inmensa influencia política y ha frustrado con éxito los esfuerzos anteriores por regular sus productos o su comercialización. La categoría de “empresas de procesamiento y venta de alimentos”, que incluye a Tyson Foods y Nestlé SA, registró un gasto de $26,7 millones en actividades de lobby en 2024, según OpenSecrets. En 1998 fueron $10 millones.

“Han sido absolutamente instrumentales y muy, muy exitosos en retrasar cualquier efectividad en la regulación en Estados Unidos”, dijo Laura Schmidt, profesora de política de salud en la Universidad de California-San Francisco. “Realmente parece que debe haber un momento de ajuste de cuentas aquí donde la gente comience a preguntarse, ‘¿Por qué tenemos que vivir así?’”

“Alimentos ultraprocesados” es un término ampliamente utilizado que significa cosas diferentes para distintas personas y se utiliza para describir artículos que van desde refrescos hasta muchas comidas congeladas. Estos productos a menudo contienen grasas, almidones y azúcares agregados, entre otras cosas. Los investigadores dicen que el consumo de alimentos ultraprocesados ​​está vinculado, en diferentes niveles de intensidad, a enfermedades crónicas como diabetes, cáncer, problemas de salud mental y muerte prematura.

Los líderes en nutrición y salud son optimistas de que ya se está llevando a cabo un ajuste de cuentas. Kennedy se ha comprometido a eliminar los alimentos procesados ​​de los almuerzos escolares, restringir ciertos aditivos alimentarios como los colorantes en los cereales y redireccionar los subsidios agrícolas federales de los cultivos básicos ampliamente utilizados en los alimentos ultraprocesados.

La intensificación de la atención en Washington ha desencadenado un nuevo nivel de interés en el frente legal, ya que los abogados exploran casos para enfrentarse a los principales fabricantes de alimentos por vender productos que, según ellos, provocan enfermedades crónicas.

Bryce Martínez, que ahora tiene 18 años, presentó una demanda en diciembre contra casi una docena de fabricantes de alimentos como Kraft Heinz, The Coca-Cola Co. y Nestlé USA. Desarrolló diabetes y enfermedad del hígado graso no alcohólico a los 16 años, y está tratando de hacerlos responsables de sus enfermedades.

Según la demanda, presentada en el Tribunal de Causas Comunes de Philadelphia, las empresas sabían o deberían haber sabido que los alimentos ultraprocesados ​​eran dañinos y adictivos. La demanda señalaba que Martínez creció comiendo alimentos de marca muy publicitados que son básicos en la dieta estadounidense: refrescos azucarados, Cheerios y Lucky Charms, Skittles y Snickers, comidas congeladas y envasadas, por nombrar solo algunos.

Nestlé, Coca-Cola y Kraft Heinz no respondieron a los correos electrónicos en los que se solicitaban comentarios para este artículo. La Consumer Brands Association, una asociación comercial para fabricantes de bienes de consumo envasados, cuestionó las acusaciones.

“Intentar clasificar los alimentos como poco saludables simplemente porque están procesados, o demonizar los alimentos ignorando su contenido nutricional completo, engaña a los consumidores y exacerba las disparidades en materia de salud”, dijo Sarah Gallo, vicepresidenta sénior de política de productos, en una declaración.

Otros bufetes de abogados están a la caza de niños o adultos que creen que fueron perjudicados por consumir alimentos ultraprocesados, lo que aumenta la probabilidad de demandas.

Un grupo de abogados de Indiana especializado en lesiones personales dice en su sitio web: “estamos investigando activamente casos de alimentos ultraprocesados ​​(UPF)”. Y abogados litigantes de Texas también están estudiando la posibilidad de emprender acciones legales contra los reguladores federales que, según ellos, no han controlado los alimentos ultraprocesados.

“Si usted o su hijo han sufrido problemas de salud que su médico ha vinculado directamente con el consumo de alimentos ultraprocesados, Queremos escuchar su historia”, dicen en su sitio web.

Mientras tanto, el 14 de enero la Administración de Drogas y Alimentos (FDA)  anunció que propone exigir que aparezca una etiqueta en la parte de adelante del paquete en la mayoría de los alimentos envasados ​​para que la información sobre el contenido de grasas saturadas, sodio y azúcar agregado de un alimento sea fácilmente visible para los consumidores.

Y en el Capitolio, los senadores Bernie Sanders (independiente de Vermont), Ron Johnson (Republicano de Wisconsin) y Cory Booker (demócrata de New Jersey) están haciendo sonar la alarma sobre los alimentos ultraprocesados.

En 2024, Sanders introdujo una legislación que podría conducir a una prohibición federal de la publicidad de comida chatarra dirigida a niños, una campaña nacional de educación y etiquetas en alimentos ultraprocesados ​​que digan que los productos no están recomendados para pequeños. Booker firmó la legislación junto con los senadores Peter Welch (demócrata de Vermont) y John Hickenlooper (demócrata de Colorado).

En diciembre, el Comité de Salud, Educación, Trabajo y Pensiones del Senado tuvo una audiencia para examinar los vínculos entre los alimentos ultraprocesados ​​y las enfermedades crónicas, durante la cual el comisionado de la FDA, Robert Califf, pidió más fondos para la investigación.

Las empresas alimentarias han aprovechado “los mismos circuitos neuronales que intervienen en la adicción a los opioides”, dijo Califf en la audiencia.

Sanders, que presidió la audiencia, dijo que hay “evidencia creciente” de que “estos alimentos están diseñados deliberadamente para ser adictivos”, y afirmó que los alimentos ultraprocesados ​​han impulsado epidemias de diabetes y obesidad, y cientos de miles de millones de dólares en gastos médicos.

La investigación sobre los alimentos y la adicción “se ha acumulado hasta el punto de haber alcanzado una masa crítica”, dijo Kelly Brownell, profesora emérita de Stanford y una de las editoras de un manual académico sobre el tema.

Los ataques de tres bandos —abogados, el Congreso y la administración Trump, todos aparentemente interesados ​​en presentar batalla— podrían generar suficiente presión para desafiar a las grandes empresas alimentarias y posiblemente impulsar mejores resultados de salud en Estados Unidos, que tiene la más baja expectativa de vida entre los países de altos ingresos.

“Tal vez deshacerse de los alimentos altamente procesados ​​en algunas cosas podría realmente cambiar rápidamente el porcentaje de la población estadounidense que es obesa”, dijo el virólogo Robert Redfield, que dirigió los Centros para el Control y Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC) durante la administración Trump anterior, en comentarios en un evento en diciembre organizado por The Heritage Foundation, un grupo de expertos conservador.

Las acusaciones de que las grandes empresas alimentarias fabricaron y vendieron a sabiendas productos adictivos y nocivos se parecen a las acusaciones formuladas contra las grandes tabacaleras antes de que se alcanzara el histórico acuerdo de $206.000 millones, en 1998.

“Supuestamente, estas empresas utilizan el manual de estrategias de la industria tabacalera para dirigirse a los niños, especialmente a los niños negros e hispanos, con vínculos de marketing integrados con dibujos animados, juguetes y juegos, junto con publicidad en las redes sociales”, dijo a KFF Health News René Rocha, uno de los abogados de Morgan & Morgan que representa a Martínez.

La demanda de Martínez contra los fabricantes de alimentos, de 148 páginas, se basa en documentos que se hicieron públicos en un litigio contra las empresas tabacaleras que eran dueñas de algunas de las marcas más importantes de la industria alimentaria.

Se hicieron acusaciones similares contra los fabricantes, distribuidores y minoristas de opioides antes de que aceptaran pagar decenas de miles de millones de dólares en un acuerdo de 2021 con los estados.

La FDA finalmente impuso restricciones al etiquetado y la comercialización del tabaco, y la epidemia de opioides condujo a una legislación que aumentó el acceso a medicamentos que salvan vidas para tratar la adicción.

Pero el celo de la administración Trump al enfrentarse a las grandes empresas alimentarias puede enfrentar desafíos únicos.

La capacidad de la FDA para imponer regulaciones se ve obstaculizada en parte por la financiación. Mientras que la división de medicamentos de la agencia recauda tasas de usuario de la industria, su división de alimentos depende de un presupuesto más limitado determinado por el Congreso.

El cambio puede llevar tiempo porque la agencia avanza, según algunos críticos, a ritmo de tortuga. El año pasado, la FDA revocó una regulación que permitía el aceite vegetal bromado en productos alimenticios. La agencia determinó en 1970 que el aditivo no era generalmente reconocido como seguro.

Los esfuerzos para limitar la comercialización de alimentos ultraprocesados ​​podrían impulsar demandas que aleguen que cualquier restricción viola la libertad de expresión comercial protegida por la Primera Enmienda. Y Kennedy —si es confirmado como secretario del Departamento de Salud y Servicios Sociales (HHS)—  puede tener dificultades para obtener el apoyo de un Congreso liderado por  republicanos, que defiende una menor regulación federal, y de un presidente que durante su mandato anterior sirvió comida rápida en la Casa Blanca.

“La pregunta es: ¿podrá RFK marcar una diferencia?”, dijo David L. Katz, médico fundador de True Health Initiative, un grupo sin fines de lucro que combate la desinformación sobre salud pública. “Ninguna administración anterior ha hecho mucho en este ámbito, y RFK está vinculado a una administración particularmente antirregulatoria”.

Mientras tanto, la población estadounidense es reconocida como una de las más obesas del mundo y tiene la tasa más alta de personas con múltiples enfermedades crónicas entre los países de altos ingresos.

“Hay un gran esfuerzo de base debido a lo enfermos que estamos”, dijo Jerold Mande, quien se desempeñó como subsecretario adjunto para la seguridad alimentaria en el Departamento de ASgricultura entre 2009 y 2011.

“En gran parte, esto se debe a que la gente no debería estar tan enferma tan temprano en la vida. Tienes suerte si llegas a los 18 años sin una enfermedad crónica. Es extraordinario”, observó.

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Hear the full podcast episodes Anthony and Kwong reference from “Silence in Sikeston” here. They discuss material from Episode 1, “Racism Can Make You Sick”; Episode 2, “Hush, Fix Your Face”; and Episode 3, “Trauma Lives in the Body.”

In 1942, Mable Cook was a teenager. She was standing on her front porch when she witnessed the lynching of Cleo Wright.

In the aftermath, Cook received advice from her father that was intended to keep her safe.

“He didn’t want us talking about it,” Cook said. “He told us to forget it.”

More than 80 years later, residents of Sikeston, Missouri, still find it difficult to talk about the lynching.

Conversations with Cook, who was one of the few remaining witnesses of the lynching, launch a discussion of the health consequences of racism and violence in the United States. Racial equity scholar Keisha Bentley-Edwards explains the physical, mental, and emotional burdens on Sikeston residents and Black Americans in general.

“Oftentimes, people who experience racial trauma are forced to not acknowledge it,” Bentley-Edwards said. “They’re forced to question whether or not it happened in the first place.”

When Anthony uncovered details of a police killing in her own family while reporting this project, she unpacked her family’s story with Aiesha Lee, a licensed professional counselor and an assistant professor at Penn State.

“This pain has compounded over generations,” Lee said. “We’re going to have to deconstruct it or heal it over generations.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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It had been several hours since his last hit, and the chatty, middle-aged man’s hands moved quickly. In one hand, he held a glass pipe. In the other, a lentil-size crumb of cocaine.

Or at least J.R. hoped it was cocaine, pure cocaine — uncontaminated by fentanyl, a potent opioid that was linked to about 75% of all overdose deaths in Rhode Island in 2022. He flicked his lighter to “test” his supply. He believed that if it had a “cigar-like sweet smell,” he said, it would mean that the cocaine was laced with fentanyl. He put the pipe to his lips and took a tentative puff. “No sweet,” he said, reassured.

But this method offers only false and dangerous reassurance. A mistake can be fatal.

It is impossible to tell whether a drug contains fentanyl by the taste or smell. “Somebody can believe that they can smell it or taste it, or see it … but that’s not a scientific test,” said Josiah “Jody” Rich, an addiction specialist and researcher who teaches at Brown University. “People are going to die today because they buy some cocaine that they don’t know has fentanyl in it.”

The first wave of the long-running and devastating opioid epidemic began in the United States with the abuse of prescription painkillers in the early 2000s. The second wave involved an increase in heroin use, starting around 2010. The third wave began when powerful synthetic opioids such as fentanyl started appearing in the supply around 2015. Now experts are observing a fourth phase of the deadly epidemic.

The mix of stimulants such as cocaine and methamphetamines with fentanyl — a synthetic opioid 50 times as powerful as heroin — is driving what experts call the opioid epidemic’s “fourth wave.” The mixture of stimulants and fentanyl presents powerful challenges to efforts to reduce overdoses because many users of stimulants don’t know they are at risk of ingesting opioids, so they don’t take overdose precautions.

The only way to know whether cocaine or other stimulants contain fentanyl is to use drug-checking tools such as fentanyl test strips — a best practice for what’s known as “harm reduction,” now embraced by federal health officials in combating drug overdose deaths. Fentanyl test strips cost as little as $2 for a two-pack online, but many front-line organizations also give them out free.

Nationwide, illicit stimulants mixed with fentanyl were the most common drugs found in fentanyl-related overdoses, according to a study published in 2023 in the scientific journal Addiction. The stimulant in the fatal mixture tends to be cocaine in the Northeast, and methamphetamine in the West and much of the Midwest and South.

“The No. 1 thing that people in the U.S. are dying from in terms of drug overdoses is the combination of fentanyl and a stimulant,’’ said Joseph Friedman, a researcher at UCLA and the study’s lead author. “Black and African Americans are disproportionately affected by this crisis to a large magnitude, especially in the Northeast.”

Friedman was also the lead author of another new study, published in the American Journal of Psychiatry, that shows the fourth wave of the opioid epidemic is driving up the mortality rate among older Black Americans (ages 55-64) and, more recently, Hispanic people. Friedman said part of the reason street fentanyl is so deadly is that there’s no way to tell how potent it is. Hospitals have safely used medical-grade fentanyl for surgical pain because the potency is strictly regulated, but “the potency fluctuates wildly in the illicit market” Friedman said.

Studies of street drugs, he said, show that in illicit drugs the potency can vary from 1% to 70% fentanyl.

“Imagine ordering a mixed drink in a bar and it contains one to 70 shots,” Friedman said, “and the only way you know is to start drinking it. … There would be a huge number of alcohol overdose deaths.”

Drug-checking technology can provide a rough estimate of fentanyl concentration, he said, but to get a precise measure requires sending drugs to a laboratory.

It’s not clear how much of the latest trend in polydrug use — in which users mix substances, such as cocaine and fentanyl, for example — is accidental versus intentional. It can vary for individual users: a recent study from Millennium Health found that most people who use fentanyl do so at times intentionally and other times unintentionally.

People often use stimulants to power through the rapid withdrawal from fentanyl, Friedman said. And the high-risk practice of using cocaine or meth with heroin, known as “speedballing,” has been around for decades. Other factors include manufacturers’ adding the cheap synthetic opioid to a stimulant to stretch their supply, or dealers mixing up bags.

Researchers say many people still think they are using unadulterated cocaine or crack — a misconception that can be deadly. “Folks who are using stimulants, and not intentionally using opioids, are unprepared to respond to an opioid overdose,” said Brown University epidemiologist Jaclyn White Hughto, “because they don’t perceive themselves to be at risk.” Hughto is a principal investigator in a new, unpublished study called “Preventing Overdoses Involving Stimulants.”

Hughto and the team surveyed more than 260 people in Rhode Island and Massachusetts who use drugs, including some who manufacture and distribute stimulants such as cocaine. More than 60% of the people they interviewed in Rhode Island had bought or used stimulants that they later found out had fentanyl in them. And many of the people interviewed in the study also use drugs alone. That means that if they do overdose, they may not be found until it’s too late.

In 2022, Rhode Island had the fourth-highest rate of overdose deaths involving cocaine in 2022, after Washington, D.C., Delaware, and Vermont, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

The fourth wave is also hitting stimulant users who choose pills over what they perceive as more dangerous drugs such as cocaine in an effort to avoid fentanyl. That’s what happened to Jennifer Dubois’ son Cliffton.

Dubois was a single mother raising two Black sons. The older son, Cliffton, had been struggling with addiction since he was 14, she said. Cliffton also had been diagnosed with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and a mood disorder.

In March 2020, Cliffton had checked into a rehab program as the pandemic ramped up, Dubois said. Because of the lockdown at rehab, Cliffton was upset about not being able to visit with his mother. “He said, ‘If I can’t see my mom, I can’t do treatment,’” Dubois recalled. “And I begged him” to stay in treatment.

But soon after, Cliffton left the rehab program. He showed up at her door. “And I just cried,” she said.

Dubois’ younger son was living at home. She didn’t want Cliffton doing drugs around his younger brother. So she gave Cliffton an ultimatum: “If you want to stay home, you have to stay drug-free.”

Cliffton went to stay with family friends, first in Atlanta and later in Woonsocket, an old mill city that has Rhode Island’s highest rate of drug overdose deaths.

In August 2020, Cliffton overdosed but was revived. Cliffton later confided that he’d been snorting cocaine in a car with a friend, Dubois said. Hospital records show he tested positive for fentanyl.

“He was really scared,” Dubois said. After the overdose, he tried to “leave the cocaine and the hard drugs alone,” she said. “But he was taking pills.” Eight months later, on April 17, 2021, Cliffton was found unresponsive in the bedroom of a family member’s home.

The night before, Cliffton had bought counterfeit Adderall, according to the police report. What he didn’t know was that the Adderall pill was laced with fentanyl. “He thought by staying away from the street drugs and just taking pills, he was doing better,” Dubois said.

A fentanyl test strip could have saved his life.

This article is from a partnership that includes The Public’s Radio, NPR, and KFF Health News.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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